Challenges expected and Most Surprising things in The Martian Essay

Challenges expected and Most Surprising things in The Martian - Essay Example In the novel, Weir did not depict the details of futuristic equipment that astronauts take with them on Mars. There is no absolute idea that surprises the readers. However, Mark is the last person left in chain of command who is most qualified person. Challenge is not in the strands of protagonist standing on the Mars; challenge is to make the strands more exciting and funny to read it (Scalzi). Death is expected after the departure, Red Mars and reading the back cover of book The Martin. The Martian novel sounds in parts as like the movie Armageddon. John McLane has scarified himself to ensure that asteroid does not like to turn the Earth into trivial putty; where every thing has broken down at the rate of one Gogol in a femtosecond. Nobody dies instead of it counting the potatoes and bacteria. Thanks to Jackie, who was a wonderful lady as she said â€Å"never leave me for anything ever†? Character of Mark Watney is more than I dream off for ever. Removing the vulgarity from it makes the ‘The Martian’ book better reading than any other books that reveals the living on the Mars under the non-ideal circumstances. I cannot have many expectations from reading of The Martian, because of my little interest in the space. Plot of the novel is sounded very similar like other space movies and novels, which have come out. Therefore, no difference is expected by reading it to other space narrations. It is much glad to say that one is pleasantly surprised and find difficulty in leaving the book on table.

Project Paper on Wireless Transmission and Communication Essay

Project Paper on Wireless Transmission and Communication - Essay Example n become a technology that is productive in promoting modest, well remunerated employment and improving economic performance in the developing economies of the world (Noll, 2000). According to Noll (2000), in spite of the economic crash of the global economy over the last five years and the passing of the Internet fizz, these queries remain fundamental to the regulators. This is because ITC has become a reality of life in all realms of economic activity. Nearly all organizations use computers and most of them have an Internet connection. Furthermore, a great percentage of these organizations use computers networks for economic rationales, such like selling and outsourcing of goods and services and buying. However, in spite of the far ranging dissemination of ICT in developing economies, questions remain about the effect of the technology on job-generation and economic development. The cumulative denominator of in all these decades has been the slow transit of related technologies from innovator perceptions that could distribute products and services of these technologies more dynamically than their originators by merit of labor cost advantage. Pakistan is situated in South Asia neighboured by Afghanistan, China, Iran, and India. Pakistan is the 7th most populated nation in the world with a population of 160 million. It is a middle income with per capita income of US$846 and the nation has recorded a nominal GDP expansion of seven percent over the past five years. In spite of the political instability that the country has never witnessed during 2007 between ruling military government and numerous political and social classes, Pakistan has accomplished success in mobile telecommunications. The telephone diffusion rate per capita shifted from 4 percent in 2000 to 58 percent in 2007 because of over triple figure expansion during past few years. This growth from 19990 when the first mobile certification was issued to just two private companies in Pakistan. The

Price Discrimination: Concepts and Types

Price Discrimination: Concepts and Types â€Å"Please explain in details the concept of â€Å"price discrimination†, what are the different types of price discrimination. Explain with the use of examples.†   Ã‚   According to Phlips (1983, p.5) â€Å"the more one thinks about price discrimination, the harder it is to define.† Phlips (1983, p.6) suggests that price discrimination should be defined as† implying that two varieties of commodity are sold (by the same seller) to two different buyers at different net prices, the net price being the price (paid by the buyer) corrected for the cost associated with the product differentiation†. Another definition of price discrimination is â€Å"where a firm sells the same product at different prices† (Sloman, 2006, g.13). Geographical location, gender, race, age and income are some of the aspects in which discrimination among buyers may be established. In order for price discrimination to work, businesspeople must be incapable of buying goods at the lower price and reselling them at a much higher cost. The firm or company must have to some extent, monopoly power and firms must be capable of classifying domestic and industrial consumers (Economicsonline.co.uk, 2014). Laws against price discrimination have pursued to hinder its use by one business retailer driving out another competitive seller â€Å"bankrupt† by depreciating the rival in his own market, whereas retailing at a higher cost in other markets. (Encyclopedia Briticanna, 2014). There are three types of price discrimination. These are: first-degree, second-degree and third-degree price. According to Dwivedi (2006), the first-degree (also known as perfect price discrimination) is considered the â€Å"discriminatory pricing that attempts to take away the entire consumer surplus†. Investopedia (2014) defines consumer surplus as a form of economic strategy used to evaluate customer satisfaction. This is analyzed by exploring the difference between what customers are prepared to pay for each and every single good / service comparatively to the market price. Dwivedi states therefore, that only when the seller discerns the precise amount that a buyer is willing to pay for an item, (buyer’s demand curve) will first-degree price discrimination be deemed as successful. But how will the seller know this information? Dwivedi states that firstly the seller initiates the highest buying price that consumers are ready to pay (some may be willing to pay an elevated price while others at a lower price) and buy at minimum a unit of a product. Only when the consumer surpl us of this segment of customers is used up, the seller then progressively lowers the price so that consumer surplus of the buyers regarding the subsequent products can be obtained. An example of first-degree price discrimination provided by Cabral (2000, p. 170) is that of a doctor providing health care in a small town and who has ample information of all the people living in the town, particularly their financial status. Acting on this information, the doctor analyzes the client willingness to pay each fee and sets a suitable price. Another example provided by Cabral, is by aircraft. While certain manufacturers publish a list of fees for each airliner, in actuality each airline shells out a different cost for each aircraft. The graph image below shows a monopoly representation of the first-degree price discrimination. MC (marginal cost) and ATC (average total cost) are the regular curved shapes with MC traversing through the minimum point on the ATC curve. The solid line that slopes downwards represents the firm facing the market demand curve, which is identical to the firm’s demand curve, (D = d). The marginal revenue relates to the firm’s demand curve, (d = MR) since the company expenses every customer the highest price he / she is ready to make. At the output level, profit maximization happens; matching to MR equals marginal cost. Plast represents the price for each and every last unit of product sold. Subsequent units have a higher price. The end profit for the company adds up to the profits received for every unit subtracted from the ATC per unit (ATC0). The shaded area displays the total profit earned since the price for every unit is the highest price as established from the demand curve. Graham (2013). According to Mukherjee (2002), second-degree price discrimination is where prices vary depending on the amount of output bought by each consumer. This is also known as â€Å"volume discounting†. The seller incurs a higher â€Å"per-unit† cost for the lesser units sold while for the larger amount of product are sold at a lesser per-unit cost. Similar to the first-degree price discrimination, the company will result at a quantity of output where the marginal costs are covered by the prices charged. The objective of the seller is to draw out not the entirety of the consumer surplus, but just some of it as profits along with a remaining surplus. Ruby (2003). An example of this type of discrimination is the different prices charged for different sizes of cereal. Another example of this type of discrimination is the discounts found in stores; for instance a shoe store would advertise a list of shoes that qualify for the discount, where if a customer purchases one pair of shoes the other one would immediately grant that he/she gets a discount off the other pair of shoes. The illustration below represents a graph of second-degree discrimination. Ruby from digitaleconomist.org, utilizes an example of a company charging a variation of three prices for one item. He points out that if a user decides to purchase Q0 units then the cost P0 is charged for each unit of the good. For a larger quantity Q1 a lower charge P1 is made and for quantity Q*2 the price P2 is charged. â€Å"(the level of output such that P2=MC (Marginal Cost)† The third-degree price discrimination occurs where a firm is capable of dividing its consumers into different markets and charging different prices. Or in other words, charging different fees to each customer class. Each market is distinguished by exceptional â€Å"demand† characteristics. It is noted by Ruby that some of these particular markets may be â€Å"less† price sensitive in correspondence to others where the quantity demanded is more â€Å"sensitive† to cost alteration. This form of discrimination is very similar to second-degree price discrimination. An example provided by Managerial Economics, Hirschey (2009), is that a bus company may incur a lower fee and apply this type of price discrimination towards senior / aged people, as well as the disabled / handicapped individuals. This will therefore benefit these particular customers, providing a great service to ride the bus. Due to the increase of revenue earned from these passengers, the bus company may provide additional services such as going off route (routes that could not be maintained by the income from those full-fare customers only or it may be capable of functioning with a lesser taxpayer subsidy. References Phlips, L. (1983).The economics of price discrimination. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press. Sloman, J. (2006) Economics, (6th Ed). Prentice Hall/Financial Times. Economicsonline.co.uk,. (2014). Price discrimination. Retrieved 15 September 2014, from http://www.economicsonline.co.uk/Business_economics/Price_discrimination.html Price discrimination. (2013). Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica. Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica Ultimate Reference Suite. Chicago:Encyclopà ¦dia Britannica Dwivedi, D. (2006).Microeconomics: Theory And Applications.(1st ed.). 327. New Delhi: Pearson Education. consumer surplus. (2014). Investopedia.com – Your Source For Investing Education. Retrieved September 15th, 2014, from Investopedia.com: http://www.investopedia.com/terms/c/consumer_surplus.asp Cabral, L. (2000). Introduction to Industrial Organization.(1st ed.) Cambridge, Mass. MIT Press. Graham, R. (2013). Managerial Economics For Dummies. (1st ed.). [Graham, R. Graph of First Degree Price Discrimination]. Retrieved September 15th, 2014, from: http://www.dummies.com/how-to/content/basics-of-firstdegree-price-discrimination-in-mana.html Mukherjee, S. (2002). Modern Economic Theory. (4th ed.). New Age International. Ruby, D. (2003). Price Discrimination. Retrieved September 15th, 2014, from: http://digitaleconomist.org/pd_4010.html [Ruby, D. Graph of Second Degree Price Discrimination]. Retrieved September 15th, 2014 from: http://digitaleconomist.org/pd_4010.html Hirschey, M. (2009). Managerial Economics. (1st ed.). Mason, OH: South-Western Cengage Learning.

Barn Burning Essay -- Literary Analysis, William Faulkner

In â€Å"Barn Burning,† the author, William Faulkner, composes a wonderful story about a poor boy who lives in anxiety, despair, and fear. He introduces us to Colonel Satoris Snopes, or Sarty, a boy who is mature beyond his years. Due to the harsh circumstances of life, Sarty must choose between justice and his family. At a tender age of ten, Sarty starts to believe his integrity will help him make the right choices. His loyalty to family doesn’t allow for him to understand why he warns the De Spain family at such a young age. Faulkner describes how the Snopes family is emotionally conflicted due to Abner’s insecurities, how consequences of a father’s actions can change their lives, and how those choices make Sarty begin his coming of age into adulthood. The conflictions of the Snopes family in this story are of anger, fear, and despair. Abner Snopes, the father, is an angry man. He believes that he is always right, he is abusive, and is always being short-changed by life. Even though his wife is impartial to his actions, she looks at him with an â€Å"anxious face at his shoulder,† which describes how weary she is when in the presence of her husband (Faulkner 1961). Sarty’s whole family lives under a blanket of fear and anxiety due to his father’s insecurities, and resentment for people who belittle him. Sarty’s older brother is easily impressed, and follows their father’s manipulative ways of dysfunction: the brother said â€Å"Better tie him to the bedpost† (Faulkner 1965). Abner uses manipulations and violence to keep them in a sense of hopelessness and fear, never feeling safe. Sarty is too immature to put his young thoughts into words, thinking â€Å"They are safe from him. People wh ose lives are a part of this peace and dignity are beyond... ...pain’s rifle. He cries out for his dead father as a young child would, but makes an adult decision to run away from everything and his family. Sarty ran into the woods for safety. He never knew how long he kept running away from the despair and fear of the choices that he and his father made that day. Little did Sarty recognize that running through that door at the de Spain mansion led to freedom for himself and his family: â€Å"Perhaps, it will take a Sarty Snopes to enter through another front door and, though promptly sent away, learn that he has the capacity and the willingness to make moral decisions that will lead him, not to death, but to life† (Samway 103). Sarty, knowing he would never feel the terror and despair of his father actions again, he chose to grieve, and made an adult decision to move forward to a new beginning in life with his integrity intact.

Industrial Relations

The tolerance of the Tells workers suddenly gave way. The storm broke and wealth months the workforce, the management and the entire city of Pun were engulfed by this storm. Some attributed the cause to workers' leaders like Raja Nair, others to Tells officials like Unranked. The genesis of the phenomena however lay in the history of industrial relations in Tells over nearly fifteen years. Pun was one of the first industrial centre to be established pursuant to the policy of geographic relocation of industries away from established industrial centre in the aryl sixties.During the sixties a number of large engineering companies set up new Industries In the Pun region. Being predominantly engineering industries, the region attracted a large number of skilled workers from all over Maharajah's. This workforce was young, skilled, educated (being from technical training Institutes such as TIT and private Institutes); and there was a broad cultural homogeneity since most of them were Amaran th-speaking. Pun city, though not an industrial city to the sixties, has well established traditions of trade unionism amongst the municipal workers, the searchers and staff of other governmental bodies.Above all traditionally the workers in the engineering industry are known to be more militant and better organized. Basically this has to do with the nature of the work in the engineering industry, where man is invariably the master of the machine. Engineering Jobs require knowledge, perception, judgment, use of discretion and higher intellectual abilities, all of which results in a self-confident and assertive workforce. Added to all this Is the fact that the new workers coming to Pun had to find residential quarters on the outskirts of Pun. The suburban districts of Pun grew Into working class areas.Both better paid any badly paid workers' settlements grew within the same locates, leading to extensive social integration of the workforce. All this gave rise to strong traditions of u nity, solidarity and class sentiments in the most classical sense of the term. While the other industrial centre were plagued by trade union rivalries, political dissensions, and conflicts founded on caste, region and language Pun developed a tradition of class solidarity. In 1980, when the police fired on the rockers of Baja Auto, almost immediately the other factories closed in support, and a joint action committee was formed.Thereafter on most major events, ‘ad hoe trade union Joint action committees have cropped up. With the numerical strength of workers In Pun Increasing – today the city has 1. 75 to 2 lack industrial workers and, together with their families, they constitute 45-50 per cent of Pun's population – these traditions were reinforced In strength and Impact. The companies that came up in Pun region too developed a broad unified approach the first place they too like the workers were concentrated in one area. Besides, very few companies were in mutu al competition with one another.Many of them were keen to avoid the problems they had to confront in the older industrial centre like Bombay. One of the first things that almost every major company in the Pun region did right from the beginning was to ensure that no outsider, I. E. Professional trade unionist, established himself in Pun. These companies were established at a time when the fact of trade unionism as an inevitable aspect of industrial life had come to be accepted. In the Pun region formation of trade unions per SE never led to any ajar strife. The companies on the contrary encouraged their nascent workforce to form internal company unions.Barring a few exceptions the major pattern of trade union organization in the region is of internal unions with the workers themselves acting as office-bearers. In the mid-eighties Data Samoan from Bombay attempted a break-through but did not succeed. In a few companies unions affiliated to the Ship Seen and BGP tried to establish the ir unions but could not make any major headway. Against this backdrop, Tells is an Omni-present giant in the Pun region. Spread dead over a vast area, it employs, 8,500 blue collar workers, around 1,000 to 1,100 white collar workers, 2,000 supervisory staff and 2,500 engineers and officers.The average age off Tells worker is 32 years. Besides this a large number of ancillaries around Pun depend basically on Tells for their survival. It has been impossible to estimate the extent of mistranslation. Estimates vary from 400 units to 4,000 units. Besides, there is the consumption of goods and services by the company. To take one or two examples – the two industrial canteens at Tells employ 450 employees. The conservancy staff number around 450. Tells runs 110 buses on 265 routes. And all this growth has taken place over a span of 25 years.In keeping with the general pattern of industrial relations in the region, the company encouraged the formation of an internal trade union in th eir company. The new workforce formed the Tells Kamala Santayana (TTS), the very union with whom the company is refusing to negotiate today. The TTS was formed in February 1968 and was immediately recognized by the company. The constitution of the union provided amongst other things that the union will not have any outsider I. E. , a non-employee, as office-bearers. The elections were to be held once in every three years.It may be pointed out here that wage agreements are normally revised once in three years. It provided that workers would elect a council of 42 members and these 42 would then elect the office-bearers from amongst themselves. During this time the production in the company was growing rapidly. Normally in the older engineering industries Job classifications are precise. The content of each Job is described and evaluated, grades evolved, and quite often a worker could lawfully decline to do Job which were beyond the description or grade of his Job.Right from the beginn ing the company sought to avoid rigid classification of Job and to reserve for itself the absolute right to set up time standards, club Jobs, change production methods and systems and flexibility in the matter of deployment of workforce. This guarding its rights. Throughout, the growth in productivity was as a result of increased capacity utilization on the one hand and increase in the productivity of the workers on the other. The increase in productivity was mainly due to intensification of the workers' work output. Thus in 1980 the company produced 14,000 vehicles.This increased to 0,000 vehicles in 1988 (though the targeted production was 33,000). In 1981, 40 chassis were produced in a day, today it is 125 chassis. Throughout, the workforce remained constant. There was no major technological upgrading. The only areas where some technical modifications were made were in fatigue-related areas, I. E. Where fatigue of the workers reached a point where he became counter-productive. In order to facilitate this the company introduced a number of schemes designed to make optimum use of the workforce. In 1976, the TTS and the company Jointly finalized a skill benefit scheme.Under this scheme a worker could upgrade his skill and give required trade tests after which he would be entitled to two increments. Thereafter a versatility benefit scheme was introduced, whereby a workman who had learnt a new trade besides his own could after passing the requisite tests get three increments. All this made it possible for the company to utilize its workforce with complete flexibility after all, the company believed a worker during his work hours was at the company's disposal to get as much production from him as was possible..The internal leadership of the TTS could not perceive the impact of the company's policies. In 1976 it consented to the skill benefit scheme. The feeling spread amongst the workers that the union leadership was not standing up for their rights, while the ma nagement was asserting its rights. In the 1977 TTS elections the workers elected a new leadership which was perceived to be more militant. Under this leadership the workers conducted their first strike which went on for 22 days. This strike was against what is popularly described as ganging of machines and double designations.Ganging of machine meant that a worker who was until then required to load Jobs on one machine and attend to it was now required to load one bob on one machine and immediately attend to another machine or several machines depending on the nature of the Job before returning to the first one. Double designations meant one worker was called upon to do two Jobs. While the former method clubbed machines the latter clubbed Jobs. The state government intervened and referred the dispute for adjudication after which the strike was declared illegal. A number of activists were dismissed and other neutralized, and yet others won over.The workers attributed the failure of t he strike and the crushing of the TTS leadership to the absence of strong outside leadership and support. They then turned to the Sara Ashrams Shantung, a trade union affiliated to the Ala Ionians Party. The membership of the Sara Ashrams Shantung was not widespread over all shops and departments, and was concentrated in a few plants and departments. In 1980 the workers of the foundry section began agitation. Once again this was against work norms and methods. The company declared a lock-out of the foundry which other department workers in support of the foundry workers.The foundry workers' agitation fizzled out. The workers were compelled to give an undertaking of good conduct and report back to work. Some more activists were dismissed after this agitation. In order to defeat the Sara Ashrams Shantung, the company had to rely on the TTS leadership amongst other things. The TTS leadership, in the absence of over-whelming support of workers had to align with the management to defeat the Sara Ashrams Shantung. In the process the TTS leadership acquired privileges and concessions from the company that alienated them more and more from the workers.If workers were intimidated or strong-arm methods were used within the company premises the management looked the other way. Workers say the company actually circuited toughs to deal with the situation. Officers of the company deny this at times and at other times have Justified it saying strong-arm methods must be countered by strong-arm methods ‘sometimes'. The company also began to focus on what it describes as its welfare activities. Since 1981 there has been a sharp increase in industrial co-operatives of employees formed with the active support of the company.Between 1981 and 1987 the company has helped establish nine industrial cooperatives, for various purposes like recycling of scrap wood, conservancy, manufacturing safety shoes, printing, computer revise, felting, foundry-casting, battery cable assembly, welding, etc. Previously such societies were limited to helping widows of deceased employees, canteens and the like. Now it spilled over the industrial production. These co-operatives were intended to provide employment to the dependents and family members of the employees. The TTS leadership was the main agent for the implementation of these schemes.They therefore acquired enormous clout over the workers. Though out of a total workforce of 9,600, only 252 employees were members of the nine cooperatives formed between 1981 and 1987, and these cooperatives employed 698 rocker, the worker could always hope that by being on the right side of the TTS leadership, he could better the position of himself and his family. Besides it put enormous resources at the disposal of the TTS leadership. For the year 1987-88 alone the total turnover of these nine co-operatives was over RSI. 107 lack.The leadership of the TTS increasingly lost their identity as spokesmen of the workers. This got reflect ed in their style of functioning as union office-bearers. Issues were no longer represented on the basis of any clearest principles or rights, but on ad hoc basis. They were no longer resolved on the basis of the workers' strength but the clout of their office. Sometimes issues relating to production and shop floor problems were resolved satisfactorily, but most often they were not. It was an alienated leadership providing patchwork solutions.While these trends were developing within the TTS leadership, amongst the workers other developments were taking place. After the failure of the foundry workers' agitation, the workers began to look once again towards the internal union – the TTS. Leaders, Raja Nair and a few others who they perceived as being better. In the ginning of 1982, Raja Nair was elected general secretary of the TTS. Along with other members of the negotiating team, he too signed the 1981 settlement on wage revision. This settlement evoked widespread anger and r esentment among the workers.When compared to the increase in their productivity and the profits of the company the workers felt the settlement gave them very little. The 1979 settlement had revised the wages by between RSI 150 and RSI 210. The 1982 settlement had increased them by RSI. 350 to RSI. 370. Besides, the skill benefit and versatility benefits schemes had been modified to give more leverage to the management and o say to the union in matters relating to production. A large number of workers who gathered at the company's gate beat up the leaders and engaged in stone throwing.It is said that at this Juncture Raja Nair publicly admitted that he had signed the settlement under pressure from other committee members. He had been recruited in the company around 1979. When he became general secretary he had barely six year's service behind him. It is difficult at this Juncture to assess what subjective factors weighed with him in this turnabout. But from the point of view of under standing the Tells agitation this is hardly important. What is important is before the workers it refurnished his image as an honest leader.The workers at this stage needed a hero in whom they could concentrate their aspirations. The steps that the company took thereafter only reinforced that need and catapulted one individual into the position off hero. After the disturbances at the company's gate in September 1982, the company declared suspension of operations for over a week and demanded good conduct bonds from the workers. The workers gave this bond and returned to work. A few weeks after this the company suspended Raja Nair and after holding an enquiry smiled him from service in the beginning of 1983.To the company this was sure way to tackle rebellion. It had yielded results in the past, more particularly in 1977 and 1980 and there was no reason why it should not succeed this time. What the company did not take into account is the fact that the workers too were learning someth ing from their experiences and were growing more mature in their understanding of the company. Coincidentally it was during this time that Raja Nair himself was arrested in a murder charge. He was under trial for six months or so after which he was discharged for want of evidence.This factor added to his image as a leader capable of taking on the Tells management amongst the workers. The rebel group within the TTS now rallied under the banner of the Raja Nair Panel (RAN) and began working as a group. In December 1984 once again the TTS elections were held. In these elections RAN put up a panel of 20 candidates of whom 17 won the elections. In a committee of 42 members they were still a minority and from this point of time the RAN worked as a faction within the TTS. The RAN did not focus much on the wage revision agreement of 1985.They concentrated instead on building up grassroots organization. In order to do this, they first of all changed their style of functioning. Until now by v irtue of their working hours. The leaders were not required to work on the shop floor. They were given secretarial assistance by the company for their union work. The RAN decided they would not avail any of these privileges. They began to work on the shop floor. As a result, they were able to build up a rapport with the workers and tackle day-to-day shop floor problems directly. Workers too began to approach them for resolving day-to-day problems.Throughout the period between 1983 and 1987 the RAN focused on building grassroots support and organization. All this time Raja Nair was closely associated with the work of the activists of around 2,000 workers and staunch sympathizers of around 4,000 workers. Together with the fence-sitters the RAN had the overwhelming support of the Tells workers. In December 1987 when the TTS elections took place, the RAN put up a panel for all the seats. The RAN won 34 out of 42 seats. More significant was the fact that all the old leadership of the TTS lost badly in the elections.The language this new committee spoke was different. It actively took up issues on the shop floor. It questioned the supervisors on the methods of work distribution and allotment, on transfers and quantum of work and other issues. It must be mentioned here that the manner in which the productivity of the workers had been raised, as described above, required extensive supervision. The ratio of supervisors to workers is high in the company, roughly around 1:10. The supervisory staff rang the alarm and the management pushed the panic buttons. As a result a chain of events followed leading to the present impasse.At this stage it may be possible to argue that had the management shown greater statesmanship, balanced Judgment ND perceptiveness what followed need not have happened. But today this question will only be academic. In May 1988 the company suspended and later dismissed the vice president of the TTS. A group of workers went on a one-day hunger strike. The rest of the workers boycotted tea, snacks and lunch in the company's canteen as a mark of solidarity with the hunger strikers. In July 1988 the TTS held a general body meeting and decided to amend their constitution to allow admission to honorary members who were not Tells employees.Since there is a provision in the Trade Union Act which allows admission of honorary members, and there is nothing unusual or illegal about the amendment, the registrar of trade unions, Pun, allowed the amendments and registered the same. Raja Nair was then admitted as honorary member and elected working president. The wage agreement had in the meantime expired and the TTS now terminated the old agreement and submitted a fresh charter of demands. The management refused to speak to the negotiating committee on the ground that they would not deal with outsiders.Later the reasons for not talking to the committee kept changing giving rise to doubts among workers and the outside world of management's bon a fide. At this stage the government on its own motion referred the issue of wage revision for adjudication. As yet there was nothing to indicate that anything extra-ordinary company took the stand that the matters had been referred for adjudication to a tribunal by the government and so they would not negotiate with the new committee as the matter was subsidize. The workers were obviously not in agreement. Before Dalai of 1988 came the bonus issue.A large number of workers refused to accept bonus. The company declared 8. 33 per cent plus a production bonus of RSI. 1,207. 987-88 had been an excellent year for the company financially. Between 1985-86 when the last settlement was signed and 1987-88 when the next wage revision became due, turnover had gone up 37 per cent, net profits by 66 per cent from RSI. 16. 17 core to RSI. 26. 95 core and value added by 43 per cent. The workers could not therefore understand why only 8. 33 per cent was paid by way of statutory bonus. A large numbe r of workers (around 1,100) who had been lured into accepting the bonus returned the same.All these years the company had deducted the TTS subscription from the workers' wages and paid it to the TTS. This year the company refused to deduct the subscription. The TTS had to therefore organize a membership collection drive. It opened accounts in banks around the residential areas and called the workers to deposit the subscription amounts in those accounts. Workers began lining up in banks. By January 31, 3,811 members had paid subscriptions, by the end of February another 1,810 had paid and by the end of March a further 1,722. By now the company began suspending active supporters of the new committee.It Justified its action by saying that it would not tolerate indiscipline. Amongst the workers this argument had no takers because workers knew the company had allowed and tolerated far more indiscipline from the older committee. In the midst of all this the workers resorted too tool down strike in the beginning of January 1989. This agitation was peaceful and organized. On January 30, Rattan Data was to have visited the factory at Pun. On January 29 Raja Nair was suddenly detained by the police preventively under Section 151 of the Criminal Procedure Code.This action triggered a wave of anger. Though he had been detained on the January 29 the news spread to the factory on the 30th. The following day, when he was produced in court, rockers collected in the court premises spontaneously. The numbers began to swell. After arguments for his release, the Judgment was reserved for the next day and the police tried to whisk him away. But workers, whose number was swelling all the time, refused to let the Jeep go and resolved to sit in the court premises until the release of Raja Nair. The police then applied to the court and Raja Nair was released.In the meantime certain events happened outside the trade union scene in Tells which was to have a great impact on the Tells wor kers' struggle. In January 1989, the Trade Union Council was formed. In the past Joint action committees had been formed by the trade unions in Pun on the basis of events or issues. For sometime the idea that the Trade Union Council be constituted as permanent body had been suggested by a number of unions, but unions were also cautious since in the past joint councils tended to fizzle out after an agitation or campaign.For six to eight committee had fizzled out. In the meantime Baja] auto workers in Arranged were having their agitation and workers in Pun through a Joint action committee collected funds for the Arranged workers. During this time it was decided to form the trade onion council. The formation was announced on January 19, 1989 at a public meeting of over 20,000 workers and 31 organizations. The general mood of the Pun workers therefore was responsive to the Tells workers. Soon after the arrest and release of Raja Nair, the Tells Employees Union (TIES) was formed in Febru ary 1989.The company was all along saying they could not negotiate with the TTS because the matters were pending in court. Now TEE came out with a hand bill that the company was willing to negotiate with them. The members of the old committee who had lost in the TTS election were office-bearers of the TIES. The TEE then challenged the status of the TTS in the courts. Five office-bearers of the TTS went on a hunger strike outside the company and the workers boycotted canteen food in solidarity.On the intervention of Madman Banana, the ‘guardian minister' for Pun in the Maharajah's council of ministers, the hunger strike was withdrawn and assurances were made that their problems would be looked into by the government. The workers were under tremendous pressure to Join the TEE between middle of February and March but the membership of the TEE could not go beyond a few hundred. The company now started saying since the validity of the TTS elections was before the courts they would not talk to TTS unless the issue was decided.Within the company the atmosphere was tense and there was widespread feeling that the company would lock-out the factory. The leaders foots had prepared the workers and decided that nothing should be done in the company which may precipitate a lock-out even under gravest provocation. At this point on March 14, 1989, one of the office-bearers of the TTS was assaulted badly within the company premises by TEE members. Since the TTS had given strict instruction not to do anything that would precipitate a lock-out, the workers remained under control, but the anger had cached flash-point.The following day TEE members who were on their way to work were accosted and beaten up in various parts of the city. Now the company suspended around 70 – 75 persons of the TTS for engaging in violence. The company now began to say they would not talk to TTS because they had engaged in violence. However when things became too obvious the company suspend ed and charge-sheeted one of the office-bearers but continued to recognize the TIES. In the meantime the chief minister's statement in the Vida Saba that the Tells must talk to the TTS and government would mediate raised the hopes of the workers.The TTS in the meantime began to step up its organizational work and began holding meetings in the residential localities of workers. These meetings though intended for Tells workers were attended by other workers in the locality. The Tells agitation was spreading to those factories too. It appears that at this point other managements in the region began to get anxious about the developments in Tells and began to press for a resolution of the dispute there. On August 18 was the annual general meeting was seen as the architect of the industrial relation policy in Tells, was not given further extension after retirement.The company temporarily clubbed the responsibility of personnel with production by handing charge of industrial relations to t he works deputy director (auto division). All this also raised the hopes of the workers and gave a feeling that the changes reflected a reappraisal by the company. As a matter of fact tripartite meetings were fixed between TTS, the company and the government. Though nothing substantial came of it further meetings were fixed. Then suddenly the company signed a wage agreement within the TEE on September 19. By the wage agreement the company sought to give a rise of RSI. 85 on an average.Perhaps it was felt this would lure the workers into the fold of TEE. The company then sought to apply to the industrial tribunal to pass an award in terms of the agreement so that it binding on all the workers. The workers had reached a point of desperation. On September 20 the TTS organized a huge rally of Tells workers, where on the spot the workers decided to fast indefinitely. Around 6,000 workers are estimated to have gone on a indefinite hunger strike. This was in the middle of the city, and gen erated a massive wave of public sympathy. For the first time perhaps a racketing agency conducted an opinion poll on a workers' agitation.The opinion poll conducted by the Marketing and Econometric Consultancy Service revealed that 86 per cent of the respondents, all Pun citizens, were aware of the Tells issue, 82 per cent said they believed TTS was the majority union, 68 per cent felt workers were peaceful in their methods of agitation, 69 per cent felt the union was Justified in its agitation and 67 per cent felt the struggle of the Tells workers was for democratic rights. The Trade Union Council called for a one-day sympathy strike by Pun workers which was a complete success. Further tripartite negotiations had been fixed for October 1 .On September 29, the trade Union Council gave a call for demonstrations and street meetings in as many parts of the city as possible by the workers of other companies to draw attention on the Tells issue. The police used this as a pretext and swoo ped down on the hunger strikers and arrested over 4,000 Tells workers. Of these 2,000 were taken in buses and left off on the outskirts of the city, and 2,000 or so were taken into custody at places like Rating and Nashua. The TTS had been in quandary about how to call of the mass hunger strike without appearing to be back racking or weakening.The police action solved that problem. The company had not been too keen on the tripartite meeting and that problem too was resolved as no meeting could take place after the arrests. This triggered off a new wave of anger which spread throughout the city. The Trade Union Council called for an indefinite industrial strike of Pun workers. But the sight of Tells workers who had been on hunger strike for 10 days being beaten, pushed into buses and carried away evoked stone throwing and numerous incidents all over Source : Economic & Political Weekly, Industrial Relations The tolerance of the Tells workers suddenly gave way. The storm broke and wealth months the workforce, the management and the entire city of Pun were engulfed by this storm. Some attributed the cause to workers' leaders like Raja Nair, others to Tells officials like Unranked. The genesis of the phenomena however lay in the history of industrial relations in Tells over nearly fifteen years. Pun was one of the first industrial centre to be established pursuant to the policy of geographic relocation of industries away from established industrial centre in the aryl sixties.During the sixties a number of large engineering companies set up new Industries In the Pun region. Being predominantly engineering industries, the region attracted a large number of skilled workers from all over Maharajah's. This workforce was young, skilled, educated (being from technical training Institutes such as TIT and private Institutes); and there was a broad cultural homogeneity since most of them were Amaran th-speaking. Pun city, though not an industrial city to the sixties, has well established traditions of trade unionism amongst the municipal workers, the searchers and staff of other governmental bodies.Above all traditionally the workers in the engineering industry are known to be more militant and better organized. Basically this has to do with the nature of the work in the engineering industry, where man is invariably the master of the machine. Engineering Jobs require knowledge, perception, judgment, use of discretion and higher intellectual abilities, all of which results in a self-confident and assertive workforce. Added to all this Is the fact that the new workers coming to Pun had to find residential quarters on the outskirts of Pun. The suburban districts of Pun grew Into working class areas.Both better paid any badly paid workers' settlements grew within the same locates, leading to extensive social integration of the workforce. All this gave rise to strong traditions of u nity, solidarity and class sentiments in the most classical sense of the term. While the other industrial centre were plagued by trade union rivalries, political dissensions, and conflicts founded on caste, region and language Pun developed a tradition of class solidarity. In 1980, when the police fired on the rockers of Baja Auto, almost immediately the other factories closed in support, and a joint action committee was formed.Thereafter on most major events, ‘ad hoe trade union Joint action committees have cropped up. With the numerical strength of workers In Pun Increasing – today the city has 1. 75 to 2 lack industrial workers and, together with their families, they constitute 45-50 per cent of Pun's population – these traditions were reinforced In strength and Impact. The companies that came up in Pun region too developed a broad unified approach the first place they too like the workers were concentrated in one area. Besides, very few companies were in mutu al competition with one another.Many of them were keen to avoid the problems they had to confront in the older industrial centre like Bombay. One of the first things that almost every major company in the Pun region did right from the beginning was to ensure that no outsider, I. E. Professional trade unionist, established himself in Pun. These companies were established at a time when the fact of trade unionism as an inevitable aspect of industrial life had come to be accepted. In the Pun region formation of trade unions per SE never led to any ajar strife. The companies on the contrary encouraged their nascent workforce to form internal company unions.Barring a few exceptions the major pattern of trade union organization in the region is of internal unions with the workers themselves acting as office-bearers. In the mid-eighties Data Samoan from Bombay attempted a break-through but did not succeed. In a few companies unions affiliated to the Ship Seen and BGP tried to establish the ir unions but could not make any major headway. Against this backdrop, Tells is an Omni-present giant in the Pun region. Spread dead over a vast area, it employs, 8,500 blue collar workers, around 1,000 to 1,100 white collar workers, 2,000 supervisory staff and 2,500 engineers and officers.The average age off Tells worker is 32 years. Besides this a large number of ancillaries around Pun depend basically on Tells for their survival. It has been impossible to estimate the extent of mistranslation. Estimates vary from 400 units to 4,000 units. Besides, there is the consumption of goods and services by the company. To take one or two examples – the two industrial canteens at Tells employ 450 employees. The conservancy staff number around 450. Tells runs 110 buses on 265 routes. And all this growth has taken place over a span of 25 years.In keeping with the general pattern of industrial relations in the region, the company encouraged the formation of an internal trade union in th eir company. The new workforce formed the Tells Kamala Santayana (TTS), the very union with whom the company is refusing to negotiate today. The TTS was formed in February 1968 and was immediately recognized by the company. The constitution of the union provided amongst other things that the union will not have any outsider I. E. , a non-employee, as office-bearers. The elections were to be held once in every three years.It may be pointed out here that wage agreements are normally revised once in three years. It provided that workers would elect a council of 42 members and these 42 would then elect the office-bearers from amongst themselves. During this time the production in the company was growing rapidly. Normally in the older engineering industries Job classifications are precise. The content of each Job is described and evaluated, grades evolved, and quite often a worker could lawfully decline to do Job which were beyond the description or grade of his Job.Right from the beginn ing the company sought to avoid rigid classification of Job and to reserve for itself the absolute right to set up time standards, club Jobs, change production methods and systems and flexibility in the matter of deployment of workforce. This guarding its rights. Throughout, the growth in productivity was as a result of increased capacity utilization on the one hand and increase in the productivity of the workers on the other. The increase in productivity was mainly due to intensification of the workers' work output. Thus in 1980 the company produced 14,000 vehicles.This increased to 0,000 vehicles in 1988 (though the targeted production was 33,000). In 1981, 40 chassis were produced in a day, today it is 125 chassis. Throughout, the workforce remained constant. There was no major technological upgrading. The only areas where some technical modifications were made were in fatigue-related areas, I. E. Where fatigue of the workers reached a point where he became counter-productive. In order to facilitate this the company introduced a number of schemes designed to make optimum use of the workforce. In 1976, the TTS and the company Jointly finalized a skill benefit scheme.Under this scheme a worker could upgrade his skill and give required trade tests after which he would be entitled to two increments. Thereafter a versatility benefit scheme was introduced, whereby a workman who had learnt a new trade besides his own could after passing the requisite tests get three increments. All this made it possible for the company to utilize its workforce with complete flexibility after all, the company believed a worker during his work hours was at the company's disposal to get as much production from him as was possible..The internal leadership of the TTS could not perceive the impact of the company's policies. In 1976 it consented to the skill benefit scheme. The feeling spread amongst the workers that the union leadership was not standing up for their rights, while the ma nagement was asserting its rights. In the 1977 TTS elections the workers elected a new leadership which was perceived to be more militant. Under this leadership the workers conducted their first strike which went on for 22 days. This strike was against what is popularly described as ganging of machines and double designations.Ganging of machine meant that a worker who was until then required to load Jobs on one machine and attend to it was now required to load one bob on one machine and immediately attend to another machine or several machines depending on the nature of the Job before returning to the first one. Double designations meant one worker was called upon to do two Jobs. While the former method clubbed machines the latter clubbed Jobs. The state government intervened and referred the dispute for adjudication after which the strike was declared illegal. A number of activists were dismissed and other neutralized, and yet others won over.The workers attributed the failure of t he strike and the crushing of the TTS leadership to the absence of strong outside leadership and support. They then turned to the Sara Ashrams Shantung, a trade union affiliated to the Ala Ionians Party. The membership of the Sara Ashrams Shantung was not widespread over all shops and departments, and was concentrated in a few plants and departments. In 1980 the workers of the foundry section began agitation. Once again this was against work norms and methods. The company declared a lock-out of the foundry which other department workers in support of the foundry workers.The foundry workers' agitation fizzled out. The workers were compelled to give an undertaking of good conduct and report back to work. Some more activists were dismissed after this agitation. In order to defeat the Sara Ashrams Shantung, the company had to rely on the TTS leadership amongst other things. The TTS leadership, in the absence of over-whelming support of workers had to align with the management to defeat the Sara Ashrams Shantung. In the process the TTS leadership acquired privileges and concessions from the company that alienated them more and more from the workers.If workers were intimidated or strong-arm methods were used within the company premises the management looked the other way. Workers say the company actually circuited toughs to deal with the situation. Officers of the company deny this at times and at other times have Justified it saying strong-arm methods must be countered by strong-arm methods ‘sometimes'. The company also began to focus on what it describes as its welfare activities. Since 1981 there has been a sharp increase in industrial co-operatives of employees formed with the active support of the company.Between 1981 and 1987 the company has helped establish nine industrial cooperatives, for various purposes like recycling of scrap wood, conservancy, manufacturing safety shoes, printing, computer revise, felting, foundry-casting, battery cable assembly, welding, etc. Previously such societies were limited to helping widows of deceased employees, canteens and the like. Now it spilled over the industrial production. These co-operatives were intended to provide employment to the dependents and family members of the employees. The TTS leadership was the main agent for the implementation of these schemes.They therefore acquired enormous clout over the workers. Though out of a total workforce of 9,600, only 252 employees were members of the nine cooperatives formed between 1981 and 1987, and these cooperatives employed 698 rocker, the worker could always hope that by being on the right side of the TTS leadership, he could better the position of himself and his family. Besides it put enormous resources at the disposal of the TTS leadership. For the year 1987-88 alone the total turnover of these nine co-operatives was over RSI. 107 lack.The leadership of the TTS increasingly lost their identity as spokesmen of the workers. This got reflect ed in their style of functioning as union office-bearers. Issues were no longer represented on the basis of any clearest principles or rights, but on ad hoc basis. They were no longer resolved on the basis of the workers' strength but the clout of their office. Sometimes issues relating to production and shop floor problems were resolved satisfactorily, but most often they were not. It was an alienated leadership providing patchwork solutions.While these trends were developing within the TTS leadership, amongst the workers other developments were taking place. After the failure of the foundry workers' agitation, the workers began to look once again towards the internal union – the TTS. Leaders, Raja Nair and a few others who they perceived as being better. In the ginning of 1982, Raja Nair was elected general secretary of the TTS. Along with other members of the negotiating team, he too signed the 1981 settlement on wage revision. This settlement evoked widespread anger and r esentment among the workers.When compared to the increase in their productivity and the profits of the company the workers felt the settlement gave them very little. The 1979 settlement had revised the wages by between RSI 150 and RSI 210. The 1982 settlement had increased them by RSI. 350 to RSI. 370. Besides, the skill benefit and versatility benefits schemes had been modified to give more leverage to the management and o say to the union in matters relating to production. A large number of workers who gathered at the company's gate beat up the leaders and engaged in stone throwing.It is said that at this Juncture Raja Nair publicly admitted that he had signed the settlement under pressure from other committee members. He had been recruited in the company around 1979. When he became general secretary he had barely six year's service behind him. It is difficult at this Juncture to assess what subjective factors weighed with him in this turnabout. But from the point of view of under standing the Tells agitation this is hardly important. What is important is before the workers it refurnished his image as an honest leader.The workers at this stage needed a hero in whom they could concentrate their aspirations. The steps that the company took thereafter only reinforced that need and catapulted one individual into the position off hero. After the disturbances at the company's gate in September 1982, the company declared suspension of operations for over a week and demanded good conduct bonds from the workers. The workers gave this bond and returned to work. A few weeks after this the company suspended Raja Nair and after holding an enquiry smiled him from service in the beginning of 1983.To the company this was sure way to tackle rebellion. It had yielded results in the past, more particularly in 1977 and 1980 and there was no reason why it should not succeed this time. What the company did not take into account is the fact that the workers too were learning someth ing from their experiences and were growing more mature in their understanding of the company. Coincidentally it was during this time that Raja Nair himself was arrested in a murder charge. He was under trial for six months or so after which he was discharged for want of evidence.This factor added to his image as a leader capable of taking on the Tells management amongst the workers. The rebel group within the TTS now rallied under the banner of the Raja Nair Panel (RAN) and began working as a group. In December 1984 once again the TTS elections were held. In these elections RAN put up a panel of 20 candidates of whom 17 won the elections. In a committee of 42 members they were still a minority and from this point of time the RAN worked as a faction within the TTS. The RAN did not focus much on the wage revision agreement of 1985.They concentrated instead on building up grassroots organization. In order to do this, they first of all changed their style of functioning. Until now by v irtue of their working hours. The leaders were not required to work on the shop floor. They were given secretarial assistance by the company for their union work. The RAN decided they would not avail any of these privileges. They began to work on the shop floor. As a result, they were able to build up a rapport with the workers and tackle day-to-day shop floor problems directly. Workers too began to approach them for resolving day-to-day problems.Throughout the period between 1983 and 1987 the RAN focused on building grassroots support and organization. All this time Raja Nair was closely associated with the work of the activists of around 2,000 workers and staunch sympathizers of around 4,000 workers. Together with the fence-sitters the RAN had the overwhelming support of the Tells workers. In December 1987 when the TTS elections took place, the RAN put up a panel for all the seats. The RAN won 34 out of 42 seats. More significant was the fact that all the old leadership of the TTS lost badly in the elections.The language this new committee spoke was different. It actively took up issues on the shop floor. It questioned the supervisors on the methods of work distribution and allotment, on transfers and quantum of work and other issues. It must be mentioned here that the manner in which the productivity of the workers had been raised, as described above, required extensive supervision. The ratio of supervisors to workers is high in the company, roughly around 1:10. The supervisory staff rang the alarm and the management pushed the panic buttons. As a result a chain of events followed leading to the present impasse.At this stage it may be possible to argue that had the management shown greater statesmanship, balanced Judgment ND perceptiveness what followed need not have happened. But today this question will only be academic. In May 1988 the company suspended and later dismissed the vice president of the TTS. A group of workers went on a one-day hunger strike. The rest of the workers boycotted tea, snacks and lunch in the company's canteen as a mark of solidarity with the hunger strikers. In July 1988 the TTS held a general body meeting and decided to amend their constitution to allow admission to honorary members who were not Tells employees.Since there is a provision in the Trade Union Act which allows admission of honorary members, and there is nothing unusual or illegal about the amendment, the registrar of trade unions, Pun, allowed the amendments and registered the same. Raja Nair was then admitted as honorary member and elected working president. The wage agreement had in the meantime expired and the TTS now terminated the old agreement and submitted a fresh charter of demands. The management refused to speak to the negotiating committee on the ground that they would not deal with outsiders.Later the reasons for not talking to the committee kept changing giving rise to doubts among workers and the outside world of management's bon a fide. At this stage the government on its own motion referred the issue of wage revision for adjudication. As yet there was nothing to indicate that anything extra-ordinary company took the stand that the matters had been referred for adjudication to a tribunal by the government and so they would not negotiate with the new committee as the matter was subsidize. The workers were obviously not in agreement. Before Dalai of 1988 came the bonus issue.A large number of workers refused to accept bonus. The company declared 8. 33 per cent plus a production bonus of RSI. 1,207. 987-88 had been an excellent year for the company financially. Between 1985-86 when the last settlement was signed and 1987-88 when the next wage revision became due, turnover had gone up 37 per cent, net profits by 66 per cent from RSI. 16. 17 core to RSI. 26. 95 core and value added by 43 per cent. The workers could not therefore understand why only 8. 33 per cent was paid by way of statutory bonus. A large numbe r of workers (around 1,100) who had been lured into accepting the bonus returned the same.All these years the company had deducted the TTS subscription from the workers' wages and paid it to the TTS. This year the company refused to deduct the subscription. The TTS had to therefore organize a membership collection drive. It opened accounts in banks around the residential areas and called the workers to deposit the subscription amounts in those accounts. Workers began lining up in banks. By January 31, 3,811 members had paid subscriptions, by the end of February another 1,810 had paid and by the end of March a further 1,722. By now the company began suspending active supporters of the new committee.It Justified its action by saying that it would not tolerate indiscipline. Amongst the workers this argument had no takers because workers knew the company had allowed and tolerated far more indiscipline from the older committee. In the midst of all this the workers resorted too tool down strike in the beginning of January 1989. This agitation was peaceful and organized. On January 30, Rattan Data was to have visited the factory at Pun. On January 29 Raja Nair was suddenly detained by the police preventively under Section 151 of the Criminal Procedure Code.This action triggered a wave of anger. Though he had been detained on the January 29 the news spread to the factory on the 30th. The following day, when he was produced in court, rockers collected in the court premises spontaneously. The numbers began to swell. After arguments for his release, the Judgment was reserved for the next day and the police tried to whisk him away. But workers, whose number was swelling all the time, refused to let the Jeep go and resolved to sit in the court premises until the release of Raja Nair. The police then applied to the court and Raja Nair was released.In the meantime certain events happened outside the trade union scene in Tells which was to have a great impact on the Tells wor kers' struggle. In January 1989, the Trade Union Council was formed. In the past Joint action committees had been formed by the trade unions in Pun on the basis of events or issues. For sometime the idea that the Trade Union Council be constituted as permanent body had been suggested by a number of unions, but unions were also cautious since in the past joint councils tended to fizzle out after an agitation or campaign.For six to eight committee had fizzled out. In the meantime Baja] auto workers in Arranged were having their agitation and workers in Pun through a Joint action committee collected funds for the Arranged workers. During this time it was decided to form the trade onion council. The formation was announced on January 19, 1989 at a public meeting of over 20,000 workers and 31 organizations. The general mood of the Pun workers therefore was responsive to the Tells workers. Soon after the arrest and release of Raja Nair, the Tells Employees Union (TIES) was formed in Febru ary 1989.The company was all along saying they could not negotiate with the TTS because the matters were pending in court. Now TEE came out with a hand bill that the company was willing to negotiate with them. The members of the old committee who had lost in the TTS election were office-bearers of the TIES. The TEE then challenged the status of the TTS in the courts. Five office-bearers of the TTS went on a hunger strike outside the company and the workers boycotted canteen food in solidarity.On the intervention of Madman Banana, the ‘guardian minister' for Pun in the Maharajah's council of ministers, the hunger strike was withdrawn and assurances were made that their problems would be looked into by the government. The workers were under tremendous pressure to Join the TEE between middle of February and March but the membership of the TEE could not go beyond a few hundred. The company now started saying since the validity of the TTS elections was before the courts they would not talk to TTS unless the issue was decided.Within the company the atmosphere was tense and there was widespread feeling that the company would lock-out the factory. The leaders foots had prepared the workers and decided that nothing should be done in the company which may precipitate a lock-out even under gravest provocation. At this point on March 14, 1989, one of the office-bearers of the TTS was assaulted badly within the company premises by TEE members. Since the TTS had given strict instruction not to do anything that would precipitate a lock-out, the workers remained under control, but the anger had cached flash-point.The following day TEE members who were on their way to work were accosted and beaten up in various parts of the city. Now the company suspended around 70 – 75 persons of the TTS for engaging in violence. The company now began to say they would not talk to TTS because they had engaged in violence. However when things became too obvious the company suspend ed and charge-sheeted one of the office-bearers but continued to recognize the TIES. In the meantime the chief minister's statement in the Vida Saba that the Tells must talk to the TTS and government would mediate raised the hopes of the workers.The TTS in the meantime began to step up its organizational work and began holding meetings in the residential localities of workers. These meetings though intended for Tells workers were attended by other workers in the locality. The Tells agitation was spreading to those factories too. It appears that at this point other managements in the region began to get anxious about the developments in Tells and began to press for a resolution of the dispute there. On August 18 was the annual general meeting was seen as the architect of the industrial relation policy in Tells, was not given further extension after retirement.The company temporarily clubbed the responsibility of personnel with production by handing charge of industrial relations to t he works deputy director (auto division). All this also raised the hopes of the workers and gave a feeling that the changes reflected a reappraisal by the company. As a matter of fact tripartite meetings were fixed between TTS, the company and the government. Though nothing substantial came of it further meetings were fixed. Then suddenly the company signed a wage agreement within the TEE on September 19. By the wage agreement the company sought to give a rise of RSI. 85 on an average.Perhaps it was felt this would lure the workers into the fold of TEE. The company then sought to apply to the industrial tribunal to pass an award in terms of the agreement so that it binding on all the workers. The workers had reached a point of desperation. On September 20 the TTS organized a huge rally of Tells workers, where on the spot the workers decided to fast indefinitely. Around 6,000 workers are estimated to have gone on a indefinite hunger strike. This was in the middle of the city, and gen erated a massive wave of public sympathy. For the first time perhaps a racketing agency conducted an opinion poll on a workers' agitation.The opinion poll conducted by the Marketing and Econometric Consultancy Service revealed that 86 per cent of the respondents, all Pun citizens, were aware of the Tells issue, 82 per cent said they believed TTS was the majority union, 68 per cent felt workers were peaceful in their methods of agitation, 69 per cent felt the union was Justified in its agitation and 67 per cent felt the struggle of the Tells workers was for democratic rights. The Trade Union Council called for a one-day sympathy strike by Pun workers which was a complete success. Further tripartite negotiations had been fixed for October 1 .On September 29, the trade Union Council gave a call for demonstrations and street meetings in as many parts of the city as possible by the workers of other companies to draw attention on the Tells issue. The police used this as a pretext and swoo ped down on the hunger strikers and arrested over 4,000 Tells workers. Of these 2,000 were taken in buses and left off on the outskirts of the city, and 2,000 or so were taken into custody at places like Rating and Nashua. The TTS had been in quandary about how to call of the mass hunger strike without appearing to be back racking or weakening.The police action solved that problem. The company had not been too keen on the tripartite meeting and that problem too was resolved as no meeting could take place after the arrests. This triggered off a new wave of anger which spread throughout the city. The Trade Union Council called for an indefinite industrial strike of Pun workers. But the sight of Tells workers who had been on hunger strike for 10 days being beaten, pushed into buses and carried away evoked stone throwing and numerous incidents all over Source : Economic & Political Weekly,

Marketing Mix at Dell Inc

Marketing can be viewed as a set of functions that include product development, packaging, pricing, advertising, selling, distribution and customer service.  Marketing tactics are referred to as the â€Å"4Ps†: product,  place, promotion, and price. (Kotler, 2003). The marketing mix is probably the most famous phrase in marketing. It was James Culliton, who coined the expression Marketing Mix and it was Jerome McCarthy, who described the variables of marketing mix in terms of the four Ps. The product variables include: 1. Product line and range, 2. Design, quality, features, models, style, size and warranty, 3. Packaging, type, materials, label, 4. Branding and trade mark, 5. Service, pre-sale and after-sale, 6. New Products. The place variables are: 1. Channels of distributions, types of intermediaries, channel policy and design, location of outlets, channel remuneration, and dealer-principal relations, 2. Physical distribution, transportation, warehousing, inventory, order processing, etc. The price variables are: 1. Pricing policies, levels of prices, levels of margins, discounts and rebates, 2. Terms of delivery, payment terms, credit terms and installment facilities, 3. Resale price maintenance. Promotion variables are: 1. Personal selling, objectives, quality of sales force, cost level, level of motivation, and level of effort, 2. Advertising, media mix, budgets, allocations, and programs, 3. Sales promotional efforts, display, contests, trade promotions, 4. Publicity and public relations. The application of marketing mix in the case of Dell Inc. can be illustrated as follows: About Dell: Dell Inc. supplies PCs to business and domestic customers across the globe using direct marketing approach. In addition, Dell supplies a range of IT products and services to businesses, including powerful servers, storage, workstations, notebooks, and desktops. Dell employs approximately 47,800 people worldwide. Total sales currently exceed $43.5bn per annum. Product: Dell places product quality as one of the main criteria. Recently Dell voluntarily recalled certain Dell-branded batteries with cells manufactured by Sony and offered free replacements for these batteries.   This is because it has been found that under rare conditions, it is possible for these batteries to overheat, which could pose a risk of fire. This measure shows how much importance Dell places on product quality. The main part of Dell’s success is its strategy of offering consumers ‘choice and control’ when it comes to product purchase. Buyers can click through Dell and assemble computer system piece by piece, choosing components like hard drive size and processor speed based on their budgets and needs.   This direct contact with consumers gives Dell a competitive advantage. Dell's approach to innovation is customer driven. Moreover, Dell has returned to one year standard warranties on all its products. Dell builds computers on a just-in-time (JIT), build-to-order (BTO) basis. Therefore, if a new technology emerges it can be included immediately. Promotion: By catering to customers across nations from the internet and through regional centers, Dell has acquired the location strategy advantage. From 1999, Dell has engaged in extensive marketing campaigns. The â€Å"Be Direct† promotion campaign has changed the way consumer view Dell. The campaign focus on consumer benefits of new technology rather than comparing its products with other rival products or company. Dell advertises in the national newspapers, computer magazines, on the Internet and TV and by placing inserts in newspapers and magazines. Dell's advertising campaigns are designed with one central objective – to get a potential customer to ring up or go online and order a computer. Dell measures the impact of each individual marketing campaign by assessing the volume of calls to sales representatives and the number of clicks to the Dell website. The company also uses direct mail. Dell publishes various 24-page monthly catalogues, describing available product ranges. Different catalogues are geared to separate Dell markets – one for the small businesses and the other for domestic customers. This is sent to a selected group of customers who are on Dell's mailing lists. The Internet offers many advantages to a direct marketing company. Products can be shown and described in detail on a website. Customers can browse at their leisure without leaving their home or office (Business2000, 2005). Dell has long been using rebates and discounts as part of its promotion campaign. This helped it to survive competition in the industry. Dell often used to offer brief promotions such as extra memory or a free flat-panel display that might not have remained available if a consumer took a day or two to make a purchasing decision. Rebates have long been popular with electronics retailers, because they allow for higher list prices and because many customers never bother filling out the forms. Price: Dell is able to offer competitive pricing mainly because it uses the JIT – Just in time inventory model. The JIT/BTO approach means that Dell does not have to keep stocks of components or readymade computers. At Dell Inc. usually no component is in the factory for more than three days (Business2000, 2005). Stock, which is also called inventory, costs money. Dell does not have these costs and, therefore, can sell to the customer at a lower price. Further, by having regionalized production centers, Dell has diversified the risk of concentration of labor, production costs, and transportation costs. When production and transportation costs are cut down, the pricing can be competitive. For example basing plants in Xiamen, China Dell has been able to provide products and services at the local prices. By following a business model that allows a consumer to design his own computer cost of carrying inventory is minimized. This allows the company to offer its products at competitive rates. Place: The company manufactures its computer systems in six locations: Austin, Texas; Nashville, Tenn.; Winston-Salem, North Carolina; Eldorado do Sul, Brazil (Americas); Limerick, Ireland (Europe, Middle East and Africa); Penang, Malaysia (Asia Pacific and Japan) and Xiamen, China (China). Dell sells its products and services worldwide†¦ By catering to customers across nations from the internet and through regional centers, Dell has acquired the location strategy advantage. The company's strategy of selling over the Internet — with no retail outlets and no middleman — has been as discussed, admired and imitated as any e-commerce model.   Dell's e-commerce website, www.dell.com, is one of the busiest in the world. The site is distributed across 86 countries, using 28 languages or dialects and 29 different currencies (Business2000, 2005). On the website, customers can review, configure, and price computer systems for themselves. They can place an order online and then track the order from the manufacturing stage to actual delivery. This gives greater market reach to the company. Conclusion: Dell is one of the most successful companies in the world. Though we may study the marketing mix in order to understand the success of Dell Inc., it must be mentioned that the Dell combination of direct marketing and just-in-time, build-to-order manufacturing brings the benefits of low cost and high quality to each and every customer. It is this focus on customer value that is truly responsible for Dell's market leadership position. Bibliography: Annual Report, Dell Inc., 2005 Official Website, Dell Inc., 2006, http://www1.us.dell.com/content/topics/global.aspx/corp/background/en/facts?c=us&l=en&s=corp&~section=000 Philip Kotler, Marketing Management, 2003. Business2000 (2005). Dell- Directly from Dell to the Customer. http://www.business2000.ie/cases/cases_8th/case1.htm   

When Antibiotics Quit Working Essays

When Antibiotics Quit Working Essays When Antibiotics Quit Working Essay When Antibiotics Quit Working Essay When Antibiotics Quit Working Name: Course: Date: When Antibiotics Quit Working Introduction Antibiotics are medicines that are especially made to fight off bacterial infections. They do this by killing the bacteria or by hindering its growth. Bacteria are found all over the human body apart from the blood and the spinal fluid. Most of the bacteria in the body are useful and beneficial. However, some bacteria are harmful and cause diseases and illnesses in the body. When one takes antibiotics, both the useful and harmful bacteria are targeted. In most cases, antibiotics are effective and they help ward off diseases. However, in some cases, the bacteria are able to resist antibiotics and they survive and continue multiplying. This happens when the bacterium undergoes some changes, which prevents the antibiotics from working effectively. The bacteria become stronger, and it is able to resist the antibiotic. This means that stronger antibiotics have to be developed so that they can kill the bacteria. People should look for other alternatives before using antibiotics. Some of th e diseases can be prevented by observing hygiene. This reduces the chance of sickness, and it avoids later use of antibiotics. Discussion Antibiotics work under selective pressure. They are able to kill off some bacteria, but other bacteria often survive. The stronger a bacteria is, the higher the chances that it will survive even after exposure to antibiotics. The resistance bacteria remain and they reproduce. Bacteria reproduce easily because they split by half. Antibiotics target the bacteria cell wall, which defines the shape of the bacteria and protects them from outside interference. The antibiotic kills the cell walls, exposing and busting the bacteria, killing it in the process. Both gram-negative and gram-positive bacteria have peptidoglycan. However, the peptiglycan in the bacteria differs in thickness. It is thicker in the gram-positive cell walls. When the antibiotics are present, they destroy the peptidoglycan and they prevent the formation of the peptide cross-links. Gram-negative bacteria are more resistant to antibiotics because it has an outer membrane that makes it difficult for the antibiotics to dif fuse. The outside membrane in the gram-negative bacteria has pores that allow nutrients to pass through, but they block large antibiotic molecules. These bacteria are able to change the size of the pores by enabling them to become smaller, and this resists the efforts of the antibiotics, even though they have small molecules. The pores prevent the antibiotics from reaching the surface of the cytoplasmic membrane. The gram-positive bacteria have many layers of peptidoglycan, but they do not have a barrier that would prevent the small molecules from passing. This increases the effectiveness of the antibiotics because it makes it easier for the antibiotics to pass through the molecules (Salyers Whitt., 2005). Continued and unnecessary use of antibiotics can lead to antibiotic resistance. The more a person takes antibiotics, the more the bacteria become used to the antibiotics, and the more they become resistant. When that person becomes sick again, then he cannot use the same antibiotic because it will not be effective. Some people take antibiotics whenever they feel pain or discomfort, even when their sickness is not caused by bacteria. They take antibiotics for colds and flu, even though these are caused by viruses. When the antibiotics enter the body, they kill off other bacteria, which are beneficial to the body. Some of the harmful bacteria are left over, and this makes them stronger (CDC, 2012). Some bacteria are able to escape the effects of the antibiotics because they have the ability to do so. When such a bacteria survives it multiplies in the body. Since the new bacteria are developed from the bacteria that managed to escape, they contain the elements of the original bacteria, which were resistant. Therefore, the new bacteria become resistant to the antibiotics, which were used previously. A bacterium develops resistance to antibiotics by neutralizing them before they begin working. When this happens, the antibiotics are not able to work in the body. Some other bacteria undergo a mutation or change in their genetic material, from other bacteria that are resistant. This makes the mutated bacteria resistant to antibiotics (Devitt et al., 1998). If the antibiotic-resistant bacteria that causes most of the infections, it could mean an increase in disease and illnesses. Many people would suffer because they would not be able to get treatment for their diseases. The rates of bacterial infections would increase tremendously. It would cost much more to treat common conditions caused by bacteria, since antibiotics would not work. However, despite this, the world would not experience the same kind of problems it had before the invention of antibiotics. During this time, many people died because they did not know how to prevent infectious diseases. Nowadays people have learnt a lot about disease prevention. They have especially learnt how to prevent disease by using simple practical measures such as maintaining hygiene, sterilizing equipment, and using antiseptics and disinfectants. These measures have largely contributed to the decline of non-viral diseases. Conclusion People have developed an awareness of alternative treatments using herbs and food plants, and they have improved their diets. This has enabled them to maintain good health and avoid diseases. However, if many of the infections occurred because of antibiotic resistance, then researchers would have to find ways of developing cures and dealing with the problem. This is possible because when penicillin was discovered, people did not think that there would be an antibiotic solution to deal with the problem of recurring infectious diseases. Research holds the answers to antibiotic resistance bacteria. Science can develop a solution to deal with the problem, just as it did when it first discovered antibiotics. For instance, researchers have developed methods that use viruses to kill bacteria, instead of using antibiotics. They have also found ways through which they can use bacterial protein to kill bacteria (Salyers Whitt, 2005). References: CDC (2012). Mission critical: Preventing antibiotic resistance. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Retrieved from cdc.gov/features/antibioticresistance/ Devitt, T., Tenenbaum, D., Toburen, A., Trebach, S. (1998). Microbes: What doesn’t kill them makes them stronger. Retrieved from http://whyfiles.org/038badbugs/index.html Johnson, George. Essentials of the living world. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Salyers, A. A., Whitt, D. D. (2005). Revenge of the microbes: How bacterial resistance is undermining the antibiotic miracle. Washington, DC: ASM Press

General Armstrong Custer essays

General Armstrong Custer essays Custer Didnt Dies For Your Sins, Sitting Bull Did In Custer Died For Your Sins, Vine Deloria, Jr. uses his sarcastic and satirical tone to reveal many falsehoods and stereotypes of Native American culture. He also uses his satirical tone to denote those who have clainmed heritage that is obviously not theirs. Deloria wasnted to make it a point to tell young Natives to find their own identity and not let an expert do it for them. Throughout American culture, Native Americans have been the most falsely represented subset of Americas population. They have been identified with the aura of the savage warrior...and the instinctive animal (3). American folklore presents the existince of Native Americans to the world as violent savages and dimensional primitives. Even being called an Indian is a little appaling, even to the minority of Native Americans. The lack of a tropical climate and the absense of elephents apperently did not tip off the [Spanish] explorers that they were not in India(5). The Native Americans are and have always been in a constant struggle to defend their identities and land. The confusion and stereotypes from another culture does not lighten the load of their struggle. The claiming of Indian heritage was nonexistent until the Native American culture was found to have some sort of significance to the devopment of the United States and its culture. After being of European descent became boring, having some sort of blood tie with the frontier...in order to experience what it means to be an American(4) guaranteed them the satisfaction of being as American as apple pie. Native Americans are, again, put into a position where they have to defend their identities and land from those who want to claim it as theirs. Non-natives also make an attempt to claim Native American heritage. When they claim it most of them claim it on their grandmothe...

Leonardo da Vinci, the Renaissance Man

Leonardo da Vinci, the Renaissance Man Leonardo da Vinci was born in 1452 in Vinci, Tuscany. He was the epitome of the term Renaissance man during the High Italian Renaissance. Any subject- and there were many- toward which he directed his insatiable curiosity, artistic talent, and keen scientific mind found itself dissected, improved upon and cataloged for posterity. Leonardo, truly, was a man before his time. Obstacles cannot crush me. Every obstacle yields to stern resolve. He who is fixed to a star does not change his mind.- Leonardo da Vinci Early Life Though illegitimate, Leonardo was taken in and raised by his father. A child of unearthly beauty, Leonardo showed precocious genius in math, music, and art. His greatest desire was to be apprenticed to a painter, a profession which was looked down upon at the time. Eventually, his father was worn down by the boys undeniable talent and took him to Florence to study painting, sculpting, and engineering under the great Andrea del Verrocchio. Leonardo quickly outstripped his master (though he continued to study with Verrocchio until around 1476) and was admitted to the Florence painters guild in 1472. Body of Work Leonardo spent about twenty years in the service of Lodovico Sforza, the Duke of Milan (who frequently neglected to pay Leonardo). His output during this period included two of his best-known paintings: The Madonna of the Rocks (1483-85) and the mural The Last Supper (1495-98). When Milan was seized by French troops in 1499, Leonardo returned to Florence. It was here that he painted one of the most famous portraits of all time, The Mona Lisa, more correctly known as La Gioconda (1503-06). Leonardo spent his later years moving between Florence, Rome, and France, working on a variety of projects. He lived long enough to be appreciated and well-paid, a rarity among artists. Throughout it all, he kept prodigious notebooks, in mirror writing, to keep track of his ideas, designs, and numerous sketches. Leonardo eventually settled in France, at the invitation of Francis I, an ardent admirer. He died on May 2, 1519, in the castle of Cloux, near Amboise, France.

Grid Computing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Grid Computing - Essay Example Grid computing increases the throughput of a networked system. Various heterogeneous but networked resources across administrative boundaries can be modeled in to virtual computer architecture for resource sharing. The concept of grid computing is to solve complex computational problems that can not be solved by the limited resources of a single computer or group of computers within an organization. It is apparent from the above figure that networking technologies are more rapidly than the microprocessor technology. There is always a large chunk of processing power that remains underutilized in many computer clusters. Advancement in networking technology can logically be used to club all these underutilized resource thus solving the crunch of processing power in some computing clusters and considerably reducing the processing cost. Software complexity has been rapidly increasing in last four decades and it has reached to such a level that it became difficult to deal with. With this, need of swiftness in response to business requirement is also increasing. IT industry has been through various computing architectures of distributed processing for better resource utilization. This led to the evolution of various programming languages running on different platforms and a number of networking products. However, full resource integration is still very complex due to multiple development platforms. Service Oriented Architecture (SOA) is now considered as next big leap in computational architecture which may help IT industry to meet complex future needs. The concept of SOA has been in development since a long time. Ever since its inception it has been bogged down due to various problems of integrating different available object models and development of a robust architecture for simple, fast and secure integration of various development platforms. Defining SOA An SOA application is a composition of various distributed services performing some well defined tasks. A service-oriented architecture (SOA) is a specific type of distributed system in which the agents are "software services" that perform some well-defined operation (i.e., it provides a service), and this type of architecture can be invoked outside of the context of a larger application. IBM also defines SOA as

Harold Lasswell's theory of the socialization Essay

Harold Lasswell's theory of the socialization - Essay Example This is why even the best of governments are known as necessary evils. The difference between the society and the government is that the society has unlimited wants whereas the government is a source of the so called ‘wickedness’. For instance, Friedrich Engels attacked the state by stating that the important fact about the state on religion is that it puts the anxiety of mankind before itself. Often, it has been said that only those who are corrupted seek power. Political affairs are a much variegated web of many vices and virtues along with a small possibility of truth and false hood of every shape interwoven (Lasswell 8). Moreover, politicians and statesmen are compared to men who are skillful in juggling and making all kinds of incantations and tricks of all kinds. With this kind of men it is very difficult to escape their influence. In spite of all the evil associated with power, not everything about power is a symbol of evil. Power can be used for worthy purposes by the good and the strong. Not all those with power work for strange and cunning occults arts to gain power and keep it. As for those who believe that power is evil, the sometimes agree that not all who use power are evildoers. On the contrary, some men in power have been named as the heroes of mankind, great men in history, liberators, founders of nations and even statesmen (Lasswell 9). From this perspective, power, personality and government are judged favorably. Recent expansions and discoveries in the psychological, social and medical science have added to the knowledge of power and those who seek power. From a social political objective, there is instrumentation of democratic values. The connection between power and personality can be associated with service of human dignity. According to Lasswell, power is an interpersonal situation; those who hold power are empowered (10). As long as those in power give

Pandemic Flu plan Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Pandemic Flu plan - Case Study Example that has seen heath experts and governments come together to formulate policies and plans on how to curb and mange influenza so as to reduce loss of life through such pandemic. Communities at their local levels have come up with ways to handle influenza so to protect the community members from suffering and deaths. This paper indicates a community plan outlines strategies to curb influenza in Glen Falls in New York. To enhance influenza review in Glen Falls, the plan shall initiate measures to protect community members from attacks and loss of lives as a result of flu. They include; This shall be meant to promote and boost the immunity of villagers through anti viral drugs and vaccine. Parents shall be advised to take their children fro vaccine so as to enable them withstand the effects of influenza. Immunization awareness shall be carried out to educate the people on the need to consider immunization as the possible solution for this challenge. Expectant mothers shall be advised to attend prenatal and antenatal care program in which vaccination and immunization for the unborn baby and the mother shall be done to offer remedy for this problem. To educate the community, seminars and workshops shall be carried out in the community to enlighten the people. Cultural dances and performances where by communal artists shall be used to perform and make skits more so in the evenings which shall bring together members of the community to learn on the need to take on immunization program to remedy influenza. Influenza pandemic requires proper planning that involves partie s of every level such as communities and families and individuals so as to slow and respond so as to recover from this disaster. This is because influenza has been identified to cause loss of life through illness making it a public threat. The plan will involve health care providers in advocating the control of influenza in the community. Hospitals shall print leaflets which shall have the information

How is internationalisation transforming the nature of the Australian Essay

How is internationalisation transforming the nature of the Australian screen industry and what tensions does this create for local content and the representation of national identity - Essay Example Nevertheless, the year 1968 saw the revival of Australian cinema, in a quest to nationalize its content to address local and national interests. Accordingly, by the 1980s, Australian cinema produced respectable and morally cultivated films that fit the interests of the middle class viewers, as well as middle-aged ones (Ryan, 2009; pp. 45). The Australian government had put in place several regulations to ensure that the film content adhered to the preservation of Australian identity, culture, and character. Australian cinema was national in every sense, since it produced images that reflected the everyday life of the Australian people, the challenges they faced and their aspirations (Kindem, 62, 2000). The images in Australian film showed the Australian landscape and resources, while all the actors were of Australian origin, thus, enhancing the localization of Australian cinema. For a long time, Sydney has been the center of film production in Australia as the New South Wales (NSW) became the leading national producer of audio-visual films. This dominance by NSW and Sidney in Australian film production was a result of heavy federal funding and the presence of many institutions for training in cinematography. In spite of this growth in nationalized films, the Australian cinema was in a dilemma because the cultural and goals were in conflict with the goals of global economy. Evidently, the global economy affects each and every sector of the society, thus, the Australian film industry had little choice but to shift towards the goals of the global economy. During the twentieth century, Australia was also struggling with exhibition venues for its content, especially after the disintegration of the European movie production after World War II. Essentially, this is what made the Australian film industry form an alliance with the producers in Hollywood, leading